Market and political control in China. The transition towards a new system

Xulio Rivers. - Market and political control in China. The transition towards a new system. Cataract

Initiated in 1978, the Chinese reform process appears like an exercise of transformation and modernization of the country, although excluding to alter the nature of the political diet, which essential force is the Communist Party, who exercises the monopoly of the power. The first thing seems clear in view of the growth indexes: and the second thing?

From 1978, the reality of China, as a result of the application of the politics of reforms, has changed very much in numerous aspects, in accordance with not completely definite project and that is constructed and programming for stages. We are not before a finished project and the final orientation of this process, it will depend, between other factors, on the internal forces interrelation.

The reform has increased the power of China and his influence in the world, and also it has caused, inside, deep mutations and problems, emerging new social actors and important tensions of all kinds. The reform has more than one dark and careless side. The absence of sensibility of the PCCh with regard to the social problems generated in the last decades, constitutes a permanent denunciation that contradicts his proclaimed liberating ideology.

The PCCh, without leaving aside the obsession of the growth, concentrates now the majority of his energy on the reestablishment of a certain balance lost in the reform, knowingly that on it its own political future can depend. It is a question of promoting, in the fundamental thing, measurements in diverse fields that exclude substantial political changes.

At the time of innovating in the economic or social spheres, generalizing the presence of the market or the diverse forms of property, the adventurousness showed by the PCCh does not have why to happen at the time of promoting a change of diet and, of taking place, it does not have why to be the consequence, at least native, of this process.

The PCCh aspires to support the political course of the reform, arranging and introducing control mechanisms in all the orders, be already in the economic thing (supporting his direct influence in the strategic sectors), politician (pushing the pluralism back and promoting limited reforms that they strengthen to him), socially (multiplying his direct or indirect presence, across the organizations of masses), ideological (exercising an absolute control of the mass media and giving repeated not submission samples in this aspect) and in the order of the safety (direct subordination of the military and police device). The new actors and powers that have arisen as a result from the reform must assume the leadership of the PCCh and this one aspires to integrate them in its own lines.

In spite of the liberated forces, the PCCh still supports the global control of the Chinese process, which understands like a sovereignty exercise that it must increase his projection possibilities. This sovereignty is one of the essential keys that they alert of the singularity of the reform, favored by the grounds of a millennial culture that enjoys increasing presence in the political language and strengthens a vocation of long-term subsistence that it is not necessary to disdain.

Opposite to the hypothesis of an evolution to the Taiwanese one (culminating with a political system internationally homologable in the essential thing), or the shape fáctica of a slow socialdemocratización to the small stone (justified by the social draft of the reform), the possibility of a long transition of uncertain result it would be justified for this permanent search of a system adapted to the peculiarities of the country, what it would come to derive in a species again mandarinato piloted by the PCCh and based on the exercise of a virtuous government and to the service of the citizenship.

For the PCCh he waits for a decisive decade in which the course of the current process might be decided according to the international requirements about a more and more marked interdependence frame, and according to the internal tensions that, with the appearance of new forces with interior political projection, it might encourage antagonistic debates and fragment the consensus that today characterizes the formation and management of his speech. The nationalistic key can serve as dangerous reservation agglutinating agent. The PCCh adopts the last aptitude to preserve the Chinese sovereignty.

In foreign policy, it is necessary to wait of China follower of the multilateralismo, a globally beneficial behavior, although the tensions, especially with the USA (especially for the future of Taiwan), will tend to increase. China is the big strategic rival of Washington.

Copyright © 2004 www.wuhancom.net